An Inquiry into the Sexuality of the 10-14 year olds in Metro Manila

(Executive Summary)

This JICA-commission FAD inquiry on the sexuality of the 10-14 age group -henceforth to be called “TEENS98” (Teenagers Study 1998) - represents a significant step towards broadening the empirical scenario on Filipino youth sexuality. In the past two decades, the sexual behavior of young people has drawn some amount of attention from the social science research community and STD/AIDS educational interventions. However, the focus has been on the 15-24 to the exclusion of the 10-14-year-olds, and of the other unserved or undeserved group as the out-of-school-youth, parents and educators. The funding and implementing bodies of TEENS98 - being engaged in decade-long work with and for Filipino adolescents- have expressed that the 10-14-year-olds likewise require attention. These teenagers are in their formative years, inculcating a range of values, beliefs, attitudes and learning behaviors that later would influence their adult life; and as such are perceived to be requiring appropriate and accurate information, guidance and support.

The TEENS98 data - derived from the experiences of the 10-14-year-olds themselves, both those in and off-school -indicate that respondents, in general, exhibited certain behaviors that truly justify the necessity to cast attention on them. For instance, at their ages, considerable proportions were already courting or being courted (43 per cent of the OSY and 39 per cent of the ISY). Respondents who experienced these were old OSY boys; boys from private schools; non-church attenders; and whose views, values and beliefs were not supportive of relationships or PMS among single youth (television access was not significant). Within these interactions with the opposite sex, physical intimacies were also occurring, although these were largely socially-acceptable contacts as hugging, holding-hands, or placing one’s hand on another’s shoulders. But then, there were those - albeit negligible in numbers - who already had fondled breast and genitals. It is not farfetched that other respondents would desire these highly private intimacies: as dyadic relationships deepen, and as they mature, the level of intimacies between couples progresses from the least to the most intimate. It is not distant as well that these intimacies can lead to sexual intercourse.

For other respondents, sexual intercourse has already become part of their life experiences. Thirteen per cent of the OSY and five per cent of the ISY, respectively, reported to have experienced penile-vaginal penetration. While the ISY figure is way below the 18 per cent derived by YAFS II from the 15-24, the OSY statistic is close to the YAFS datum (it should be recalled that the OSY sample size was only 120, while the ISY sample was 720). Many of the sexually experienced among the ISY were young boys (10-12) from private schools. On the other hand, an equal proportion of boys and girls among the OSY had the experience, but again more young than old (13-14) had reported it. Both OSY and ISY had access to television; lived with their parents; with differing intensities of sexuality-related views, values and beliefs; and were either church attenders or non-attenders. On a related note, young boys (not necessarily those with sexual experience) tended to have drug use experience as well. It is unknown from TEENS98 whether PMS and drug use are interrelated.

Whether the behavior is non-coital or coital, boys - old and young alike stood out as the ones with the heterosexual relationships and sexual experience. Specific to sexual intercourse, a comparison of the coital incidence rate between the sexes - derived from YAFS II - underscores an apparent disparity: 26 per cent among the boys and 10 per cent among the girls. That more young men than women are sexually experienced is hardly an astounding finding: in the Philippine society, the push factor for men’s predisposition to engage in sex is because they are expected to lead, control or sustain heterosexual interaction. In fact, the TEENS98 qualitative interview findings show that parents licensed boys to take interest in the opposite sex; to have a steady; or to have PMS at earlier ages than girls. Not to have an experience is avoided because it would cast doubt on and question their masculinity (that they are gays, perhaps?) In addition to being boys, the fact that more of these respondents came from private schools - being middle to high income - meant that they might have the means and opportunities to engage in intercourse. With these, they might be disposed to interpret sexuality-related scenarios in more liberal ways, perhaps bestowing less worry on eventual pregnancies and infections. This interpretation should be regarded with caution though as only a few of OSY and ISY had premarital sexual experience. Nonetheless, given the exposure of boys, the intervention should give priority to them, as it should to girls, the latter being the group usually targeted by pertinent efforts. The intervention has to involve girls - not only because they are the ones to get pregnant; not only because they are more vulnerable to STD infections than men; and not only because they represent the other half of the sexual equation - but because some of them - among OSY specifically - had also had premarital coital experience.

Any planned social intervention should not, however, aim to address only the experienced OSY and ISY. Rather, it should also target those teenagers having no present relationships and experiences. Either they can be encouraged to abstain, or if not, can be equipped with relevant knowledge, values and skills so that they behave responsibly (either be abstinent or monogamist, or using protection against pregnancy and STDs). However, as borne out in the TEENS98 data, it was quite likely for these teenagers - as they become older - to enter into courtship, boy-girl relationships, or to have PMS (all said behaviors being more age rather than sex-graded). In fact, the 13-14 respondents (male and female) perceived more than their 10-12 counterparts that many youth are already interested in the opposite sex, or are already courting or are being courted. Experience-wise, the 13-14 boys and girls were more the ones into courtship or steady relationships.

Despite these behaviors being age-graded, it should be pointed out, that these are exceptional circumstances: breast and genital fondling, and PMS (and certainly courtship, and going steady) could likewise occur at earlier ages such as in the case of many OSY and ISY who had sexual contact at the ages of 10-12. Which indicates that sexual experience (or the lack of it) is a complex phenomenon, as a result of the confluence of a host rather than just one factor. In the introductory chapter, a sample of the most pressing explanations to sexual experience or inexperience was detailed. But the point being advanced here is that even if respondents were bata pa [still young] and not yet at the age (18) they recommended young people to have relationships and PMS - for varying reasons and conditions - some of them were already experienced in sexual and in other terms. Which then presents an additional impetus to the necessity to focus on the 10-14.

From the behavioral standpoint, there thus exists little doubt that a social intervention - where information, education, skills building and counseling would be its core services and activities - would be pertinent to young people’s needs. But this perspective comes from the planners and would be implementors of the intervention. Does the target age group really require it? Data from TEENS98 clearly reveal that there was support for such an intervention: a sizeable proportion of OSY (41 per cent) and ISY (51 per cent) articulated the need for sexuality-related information (on pregnancy, STD/AIDS and man-woman relationships, for instance). Among the OSY, more girls than boys (both 10-12 and 13-14 age groups) wanted information, perhaps perceiving that they require it more being the ones who get pregnant. Among the ISY, old respondents (aged 13-14 of both sexes) from public schools positively identified their need for it, presumably because they already have the experiences and indeed they might require relevant information. Young girls (10-12) from private schools also confirmed the same stand, probably because they felt that at young ages they have to be equipped with necessary information.

Parents and mentors alike expressed agreement - when also asked - to the plan of providing said information to the 10-14-year-olds. Their concurrence- as could be gleaned from TEENS98 qualitative data - must be due to their recognition of the youth’s sexual activity. This then makes social support for the planned intervention broad and solid. However, while the ensuing social intervention can comfort itself with this multi-sector endorsement, it should work hard to advocate among other youth and parents, and the religious sector - disfavoring sexuality-related effort among the 10-14 - that its services and activities are relevant and would lead to more good than harm. It should be remembered that part of TEENS98 qualitative evidence pointed to a number of teenagers and parents who disfavored sexuality information for the young because they said that “once sexual information is given to them, it is going to encourage them to try to have sex.” This view, and other related views, has to be continually addressed by the intervention. Apprehension stemming from said view can be minimized by communicating convincing explanations and justifications to concerned groups; the intervention would stand to gain broader social support if the benefits and outcomes are made clear to those with questions, as valid or invalid as these may be. On the other hand, a lack of response and explanations to address the view would likely work against further acceptance of the intervention because people’s misconceptions would be sustained and more deeply ingrained.

Respondents’ expressed need for sexuality information might have been well anchored on their perception that they have to know more. This personal assessment finds support from TEENS98 data. OSY and ISY were found to possess some very accurate knowledge - for example about the ways pregnancy and STD/AIDS occur, and their prevention - but overall their knowledge requires upgrading and broadening:

They have to accurately understand the meanings of STDs, HIV and AIDS. These three terms have to be made an integral part of adolescents’ psyche and life schema if this group is envisioned to take control of their sexual lives and be free of unnecessary infections;

They have to be informed that although the level of HIV infections in the country is low and slow, it should not be taken that AIDS is not a serious problem among the Filipinos. For one, there are problems about monitoring and documenting the number of people with AIDS virus because of the society attaches to one with AIDS; and the lack of general support for PWA;

Apart from the foregoing, there is a necessity to dispel respondents’ misconceptions about how the AIDS virus can be passed on - for instance by using the glass used by a PWA. The earlier the redirection of these misconceptions takes place, the better. As these young people mature, they would already be socialized with proper and correct knowledge of and attitudes towards AIDS, and act responsibly towards people with AIDS;

Adolescents, because they associated STD / AIDS with sex workers or adults, should be made conscious of the fact that it is not the label or category but the behavior that places individuals at risk of STD / AIDS infection; in such a case it is important to develop among them perceived themselves at risk. Moreover, young people should be trained to train give equal importance to pregnancy and AIDS (as they were proned to overlook the latter despite their acceptance of sex outside of love relationships);

They need information on other topics such as rape or illegal drug use. Rape was commonly known among respondents, while use of illicit drugs among them was documented. In the first chapter, the YAFS II data also pointed to the prevalence of drug use - along with drinking and smoking - among young people. Which then suggests that the information and education giving on sex cannot be divorced from other lifestyles of the adolescents;

Young people do not only need to acquire knowledge but develop skills as well. In TEENS98, respondents’ suggested ways of preventing STD / AIDS and pregnancy included “avoid sex,” “focus on studies,” “exercise self-control and learn how to say ‘no’,” or “ use condoms.” For adolescents to be able to actualize their own recommendations, skills building and counseling - along with information giving - are essential; and Gender issues surrounding pregnancy and AIDS prevention should be introduced to adolescents. The message should be that both pregnancy and STD / AIDS prevention is the responsibility of both sexes, and this should be particularly stressed to young female respondents.

In enhancing young people’s sexuality knowledge, in general, more consideration should be on boys (young and old); or on the young (both sexes), and in the case of ISY, on those from public schools because - as TEENS98 found - these were the subgroups that knew less. In matters concerning STD / AIDS, greater efforts should be on the OSY more than the ISY because their knowledge was more limited. The survey did not anymore ask teenagers about the specific topics they would want included in the intervention, but FAD - 1997 had already explored topics that teenagers liked to be covered by an intervention and it would be duplication of effort again.

In the planned social intervention, the sources of relevant efforts should be individuals: parents (mothers more especially), mentors, medical professionals and relatives. TEENS98 respondents - OSY and ISY alike regardless of sex and age - more greatly preferred persons rather than the mass media. This is hardly surprising: with persons, there is likely to be empathy and because the interaction is interpersonal, support is immediate and may offer warmth (for instance, just talking to another person can spell a difference for a confused adolescent). Particularly with parents as sources, there would even be marked relevance because young people’s socialization - including care and guidance - begins and mostly takes place at home. (To be highlighted is in fact that majority of TEENS98 respondents, OSY and ISY, lived with their parents). The bottom line is that whatever happens to their adolescent children, the parents would be the ones to take responsibilities. In fact in the qualitative interviews, there was a tendency to place the blame on parents should their child get pregnant or infected.

Young people must have realized the importance of their parents in their lives that when asked - in TEENS98 - who they are going to approach fist if they have sex-related problems, they - without hesitance - pointed to their parents. However, the survey data - particularly those dwelling on respondents’ values and beliefs regarding parents / educators’ influence on youth’s not having sex - tend to suggest that “parents,’ or even teachers’ advise and other precautionary words such as “don’t do that or “it is bad” would not be enough to stop young people from having sex”. Which goes to say that there are other forces with which parents and educators have to contend in their effort to support the adolescents. One of these is the teenagers’ age. The TEEBS98 evidence implies that the older the teenagers, the greater the likelihood that they would find parental guidance as being inadequate to constrain PMS among the youth (most probably because the teenager wishes to experience his / her autonomy, amidst pressure from peers). How to minimize the predisposing effect of one’s age on having sex, and how to make the parental and educators’ guidance effective in constraining that predisposition is one crucial challenge to the social intervention. Perhaps even with the awareness that not all young people would follow their parents and educators’ counsel, many of the parents involved in TEENS98 nonetheless approved of making parents part of the intervention as sources.

As implied in the TEENS98 qualitative data, parents require further updating or training on how they can perform their role: although knowledge-wise, they were generally prepared on pregnancy and STD / AIDS prevention, there are other areas requiring improvement. Parents in this endeavor should be taught or re-taught not to nag in actualizing their role as sources. FAD - in its prior research among campus-based adolescents - learned that nagging is one of the least preferred characteristics sought by adolescents from parents (and mentors as well). Besides unlearning the nagging behavior, parents (and also mentors) must be desensitized in talking about sex and in communicating it to their adolescent children. As commonly known, because sex is a culturally taboo subject, it is rarely discussed among family members. The challenge to the intervention lies not just on developing parents’ skills, but on these parents being able to find time to carry out their roles. Nowadays, parents are preoccupied with economic concerns to keep up with the increasing demand for financial resources and as such they could hardly have any time to perform additional task. The intervention should thus come up with the strategies so that this particular task would not be a heavy burden on parents. Whatever shortcomings parents have at this point, it is good to note that most of them - as borne out in the qualitative data - would be nurturing and accepting of the condition of their daughter should she become pregnant.

The inclusion of medical professionals as preferred sources - along with parents implies that TEENS98 respondents also wanted biomedical advice and information on sexuality. Moreover, OST and ISY’s choices as far as celebrity sources are concerned suggest that they wanted a mixture of both female and male stars; no doubt that in this case that TEENS98 respondents - as other adolescents - desired some entertaining intervention activities. Meanwhile, any plan to provide intervention services and activities through clinics should be accessed carefully as TEENS98 respondents in qualitative interviews said - citing a variety of reasons - that they do not or would not visit them.

That the mass media - quite powerful channels of information and entertainment nationally, internationally and globally - were not preferred among OSY and ISY should communicate the message that young people do not see it as a chief and appropriate source for sexuality information. Respondents have a good reason for believing so: they felt that there is a proliferation of sex on television and movies. Their comment should be taken with seriousness because TEENS98 respondents were credible judges; after all, many of them were regular or occasional viewers of television shows, where - broadly speaking - they did so with less or without parental guidance (parents were reported as permissive in qualitative interviews); or they watched shows also patronized by their adult siblings. About this, the social intervention should consider young people’s access to television because it has a tendency to influence the latter. InTEENS98, for example, where respondents (ISY or OSY) had always or occasional access to television, their general views, and values and beliefs were strongly in favor of premarital sex or youth relationships. Television access had no bearing on the youth’s propensities to experience courtship and having steadies, but it had a bearing on OSY and ISY’s sexual and drug use experiences. In other words, young people’s predisposition to have sex or use drugs could be partially attributed to television.

Television having an impact on young people’s views and beliefs all the more provides additional reason to pursue the planned social intervention. Television and the media system would be a continuing source of challenge for the intervention. While the intervention would be giving, discussing and imparting appropriate knowledge, behaviors and values, the media - more often than not - would be doing the opposite. This circumstance would prove to be a source of constraint for the intervention to be greatly effective because the media - having the mass as their target audience - tends to create social realities and norms. These normative behaviors and realities may give the impression to young people - who are vulnerable to media portrayals and messages - that having relationships and sex at early ages are the prevailing behaviors and standards. The social intervention should devise ways and strategies to lessen the effects of the media at the societal level. The television industry’s attempt at cautioning audiences about certain programs having “adult themes” appears to be ineffective because adolescents - in varying circumstances - are not guided by their parents or other adults. The classification of movies into “for adults only.” “Parental guidance” or “general patronage” seems to work to an extent; but then there are cinemas that allow children to watch “for adults only” movies. Even in “for general patronage” movies, the 10-14-year-olds get to see adult, movie previews as well.

Foundation for Adolescent Development Inc. Manila.1998