Michael L. Tan ( Principal Investigator)
Ma. Teresa Ujano Batangan (Research Associate, Metro Manila)
Henrietta Cabado Españona ( Research Associate, Iloilo)
Lailani Guiang (Researcher, Metro Manila)
Leo Quintilla (Researcher, Iloilo)
Jay Yacat (Researcher, Metro Manila)
Randy Banaag (Researcher, Metro Manila)
Sonja Jusayan (Researcher, Iloilo)
Criselda Heredia ( Researcher, Iloilo)

Introduction

Young Adults (roughly, those aged 15 to 24) comprise about 18 per cent of the total population in the Philippines, an important segment of the population given their future participation in the nation’s economy and political scene. Young adults face many risks in relation to sex and sexuality: premarital pregnancies that often lead to early marriage; sexually-transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS.

At present, government and non-government organizations tend to look at young adult sexuality itself as the problem, rather than the social context which puts young adults at risk.. This research project took on a different approach, focusing on the context which puts young adults at risk. Specifically, we used a range of qualitative research methods-in -depth interviews; key informant interviews; focus group discussions and participant observation - to look at t he following aspects of young adult sexuality:

(a) definitions of genders and gender roles (both sexual and non-sexual spheres);
(b) definition of, and attitudes toward sexual activities;
(c) perceptions of pregnancy, marriage, perceptions of pregnancy, marriage, pre- and extra-marital sex; contraception; abortion
(d) perceptions of relationships and the role of sex in these relationships;
(e) perceptions of vulnerabilities and risks related to sex.
(f) Knowledge of, and perceptions of measure to reduce perceived risks related to sex;
(g) Definitions of “values” relating to sex and sexuality.

Our focus was on young adult perceptions and definitions of sex and sexuality, including their own views of what risks are and explanations for risk-taking behavior.

The study was conducted from April 1994 to March 1996 in Metro Manila and Iloilo with support from the World Health Organizations Global Program on AIDS (now UNAIDS). In total, 301 respondents participated in the formal interviews and focus group discussions. This number excludes many other participants interviewed informally.

The research framework builds on an identification of “scripts” what people say they will do in particular situations or settings. We used discourse analysis here, which is an examination of these scripts as they reflect social interactions and relationships.

Principal Findings

In presenting the principal finding, we would like to emphasize that there were important differences based on sex, age, socio-economic status and research site. For example, younger respondents tended to be more “idealistic” in their views. In some cases, there was a combination of demographic variables such as lower-income female respondents being less willing to talk about sex.

Sex, Sexuality and Gender

Sex and sexuality have connotations of sin and deviance. Sex itself is seem mainly as sexual acts, which are seen as dirty and wrong. Young adults are in fact quite conservative in their expressed views and frequently state that discussions about sex are “taboo” in the Philippines, part of a notion that sex is bastos. Religious terms are found all throughout the interviews and discussions, with sex described as tukso (temptation) and with the use of verbs like “commit”(e.g., He committed sex).

Note though that while perceptions of sex tend to be negative, we also found many instances of more relaxed and positive attitudes toward sex, exemplified by jesting and metaphors, including the term luto ng Diyos (God’s cooking) to refer to sex.

There is a strong tendency to “naturalize” sex, e.g., it is a natural need, especially for males; or that it is “natural” for men to have many sex partners. Libog (lust) and pagnanasa (dessire) are aspects of this naturalized sex. Respondents also describe sexual behavior in terms of “natural” and “unnatural” or “normal” and “abnormal.” Homosexuals and lesbians are still generally viewed as “abnormal.”

Gender distinctions-what is masculine and feminine-are quite sharp and are defined in relation to physical attributes as well as personality traits. The definitions are very traditional with males cast as breadwinners and decision-makers while the ideal female is seen as mabait and conforming to men’s wishes.

Learning About Sex; Becoming Sexual

Young adult knowledge about sex iv vast but accompanied by many misconceptions about pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases.
The family play a minimal role in providing information on sex and sexuality. Hindi dapat pinag-usapan, baka isipin nilang gagawin (It should not be talked about, because they (they young) might think of doing it.) The family’s intervention is often limited to proscriptions and warning when a crisis erupts, such as a premarital pregnancy with relatives or friends.

The barkada (peer group) provides a main source of information on sex and sexuality. Depending on socio-economic status, other sources of information are the media;’ books and films (movies as well as vides).

The process of becoming sexual is mainly male activity with strong peer pressure to have sex. Sex is available from sex workers as well as from casual partners such as layas (stowaways) in Iloilo. Note that young adult female sexuality is generally seen as undesirable and even dangerous, i.e., single women are not supposed to have sexual desires or to express their sexuality.

Courtship and Marriage

Young adult venues for socialization vary according to socio-economic status, ranging from parties, community dances (baile) to shopping malls. Across classes, the barkada plays an important role for allowing people to make new friends and for courtship to proceed and develop.

Relationships are seen as being extremely important for emotional support. “American” notions of romantic love characterize these relationship, e.g. spending time together, remembering anniversaries and Valentine’s day.

The process of courtship builds around notions of reaching “mutual understanding , (m.u.), including trust and respect. The process of developing m.u. is describes as pakiramdaman. There is role-playing here, described as diskarte on the part of the male, the ways in which he present himself as a person who is sincere. Both males and females have to prove themselves decente, which on the part of the males means someone who he is honest and trustworthy while for the female, decente revolves around being of marriage material (pangpakasal). In both cases, expectations revolve around stereotyped gender attributes.

Arriving at m.u. revolves around loob, the self: gagaan ang loob; lumalapit ang loob and finally, nahuhulog ang loob (lightening of the self; the selves becoming close; the “:falling of the self.” The acceptability of sexual activities-petting , necking and penetrative sex-is closely tied to the level of m.u. that has been achieved.. Relationships are viewed as private, sometimes hidden from families and friends.

The need to develop love and trust means being together as frequently as possible, which also creates or generates desire. We find then a constant “struggle” between love and desire, There are elaborate “rules” on what needs to be done to control desire: parts of the body that can be touched; number of minutes for kissing, etc. The struggle is to bring this love and desire together, mainly toward love justifying desire.

Gender roles emerge as important determinants of sexual activities. While men “bring” (dala) the relationship, women are expected to control male sexuality and set the limits. Female virginity is the norm, tied to notions of male ownership of that virginity, which theoretically must be “saved” until marriage.

There is a reproductive imperative, the notion that people must reproduce. This reproductive imperative ties in closely to marriage. Marriage and reproduction set the horizon for young adult relationships as a goal and as a way of sacralizing sex. “Love” and the prospects of marriage are invoked as conditions that will “allow” premarital sex to take place.

Conclusions: Risk Perceptions

What does the study tell us about yo8ung adult sexual risks? Note that there is no local term for risk, instead the risk is described as problema or panganib (danger), which means that the risks must be tangible, from one’s own experiences or those of close friends and relatives. Not surprisingly, HIV/AIDS and STDs are not important perceived risks mainly because few young adults know someone with HIV/AIDS or STDs. The risk factors therefore mainly revolve around perceptions about the chances and consequences of premarital pregnancy. Our presentation here will start from the less significant to the most important factors cited by young adults for sexual risk behavior.

Sin

Religious terminologies are found throughout the interviews and FGDs, but then sex in general is viewed as sinful. Given this, premarital sex’s “sinfulness” becomes relative to other “greater” sins. These concepts converge with notions of “natural” and “unnatural”; therefore, homosexual acts are seen as more sinful than premarital sex because homosexuality is “unnatural and violates the reproductive imperative.”
The strong emphasis on reproduction seems to legitimize premarital sex, even if it comes after the fact with almost fatalistic reasoning: the pregnancy was meant to be.

Pleasure and Desire

Males are particularly open about mentioning physical pleasure and desire although this comes under constant analysis and rationalization. There are fears of being “swept away,” of sex becoming a “habit.” Drugs and alcohol are mentioned as reason why young adults might given in to desire.

“Ignorance” and “Innocence”

We still found significant knowledge gaps about sexual risks, in relation to both pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. HAIN’s surveys showed low knowledge levels about contraception and prevention methods for STDs. This is aggravated by the lack of accurate information from the family, where ignorance is presumed to be innocence.

Curiosity and Peer Pressure

Among both males and females, curiosity is cited as a reason for sexual risk behavior. The secrecy and forbidden aura surrounding sex and sexuality increases this curiosity.
In addition, peer pressure is important among males, particularly for first sexual intercourse. This peer pressure is usually couched in terms of teasing, i.e., that one is bakla or is afraid of his mother if he does not have sex.

Hiya

Peer pressure ties in closely to hiya, the fear of being “shamed” because one is different. At the same time, hiya can function in other ways as a sense of social propriety. There is a very strong sense that a premarital pregnancy brings shame to the family and to one’s social grouping, including the barkada.

Being Economically Prepared

Sex is tied closely to marriage which is, in turn tied to being economically prepared. If one is economically stable, they marriage is around the corner and the possibilities of sex increase. “Economically stable” is relative: for low-income young “having a house” as an indicator of stability.

Love, Honor, Trust

The study and our surveys show very clearly that love is the main reason why young adults take risks. The processes of courtship build trust to the point where love is presumed to be present, together with commitment. This is embedded in gender roles: the male “proves” through diskarte that he is to be trusted and that he will take up his responsibilities for marriage and a family. The female “proves” she is decente and marriage-able but this eventually translates as well into proving that she “truly “ loves her boyfriend. The emphasis on female virginity reinforces this: given its high premium, one “gives up” her virginity as the ultimate proof of her love.

Love and desire are not always in opposition, love being characterized as restraint, for example, in a particular setting, love itself justifies a “giving in.” Risk-taking is therefore related to decisions about what is “right” (tama) but this “rightness” depends on a configuration of events, people and places. Thus, premarital sex may be permissible because it is almost time to get married. Nasa lugar is one way of describing this context.

In all cases, both males and females have to gain trust. Males use diskarte to gain trust. Females are award that diskatre has elements of deception (also described as bola and gimmick) and will be on guard until “love” is proven. Men evaluate women’s pagkadecente, not just in relation to marriage but also for “safe sex.” A woman may be available for casual sex but is still seen as decente or malinis - because of her class background, or her external features - and therefore risk reduction measure are seen as unnecessary.

Because young adults all tend to see themselves as decente, risk of STDs and HIV/AIDS are distanced. These are problems of “other” people: sex workers, “promiscuous” individuals. Since “risk is seen mainly as panganib (danger) or problema, the overriding concern is detecting these potential problems and dangers. This can be a search for “signs and symptoms” of illness, which is actually dangerous since physical sign and symptoms are often not present in STDs, including HIV/AIDS.

The Importance of Context

The research shows the importance of understanding the context of risk behavior. For example, if love is the primary reason why young adults take sexual risks, then it should not be surprising to see why risk reduction measures (e.g., contraception) are not used. “Love and trust” - not drugs or peer pressure-cancels out all precautionary measure. There are many other examples of why contextual research is important, for example, young adults having sex at home, rather than in motels, because motels are seen as cheap and vulgar, as well as possibly exposing them to the public.

Risks do not just have social contexts’; they are social in nature, constructed around notions of the unknown, of the “outsider” in a search for the familiar. Quite often, risk-reduction becomes a matter of labeling others as “immoral” or “unnatural” and taking security in the belief that “we” are clean, natural, moral, and normal. Educational programs that repeat old rhetoric such as “be faithful” or that depict risks as applying mainly to “high risk groups” run the danger of reinforcing these misconceptions of “us” being “safe” and “them” as “unsafe.”

A final conclusion: sexual behavior comes as the result of decisions which reflect social relationships. We have seen that this becomes problematic for young adults when the power relationships are skewed, where the males “bring” (nagdadala ) the relationships and yet expecting women to “control” male sexuality (and thus take the blame if “something” happens).

Recommendations

1. Young adult programs need to include discussions of structural issues of social inequality and discrimination, whether of gender or of class.

2. Educate older adults

3. Educational programs for young adults need to address specific interests and issues of concern according to gender, age, class and other socio-demographic variables. There are also sub-populations of young adults with special needs: gay men and lesbians; migrant workers; stowaways and married young adults.

4. Interventions need to be guided by careful needs assessment and operations research.

5. Young adults need to be encourage to talk openly about sex and sexuality and to develop sex-positive attitudes.

6. Young adults needs to be reached as young adults.

7. Interventions need to tap into young adults’ sexual cultures and meanings. These cultures and meanings should be recognized as being in constant flux.

8. Young adults carry a strong sense of responsibility toward the family and to friends. This sense of responsibility and the sense of hiya (“shame”) can be used as spring board for discussions on young adult sexuality.

9. Young adult programs need to tap into existing social networks, particularly the barkada.

10. Life skills needs to be incorporated into young adult programs on sexuality, building on concepts of mutuality, trust and responsibility.

RESTRICTED CIRCULATION: The complete study will be published in 1997. If you wish to be informed about the new publication, contact: Health Action Information Network 9 Cabanatuan Road Philam Homes, Quezon City 1104 Tel: 929-8805 Fax: 927-6760 Email: hain@mnl.sequel.net Support for this research project came from the World Health Organization’s Gl9obal Program on AIDS (now (UNAIDS). Vies expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect those of the World Health Organization or of UNAIDS.

FACTORS RELATED TO UNMARRIED PARENTHOOD VIEWS

What factors are related to these views and perceptions on unmarried
parenthood ? Two types of factors are considered. First are the proximate factors such as knowledge/awareness of unmarried friends engaging in sexual intercourse,of unmarried friends who became pregnant while unmarried, of unmarried woman continuing with the pregnancy, and of unmarried friends getting married as a result of pregnancy. These factors are considered proximate in the sense that awareness of them may directly influence the youth views on unmarried parenthood. Second , are the background factors such personal characteristics, social activities, high risk behavior , and family of orientation which may directly or indirectly influence the youth's views on unmarried parenthood since they determine to process of youth socialization.

Knowledge of friends engaging in pre-marital sex was 38.8 percent for all respondents.This knowledge was nearly twice higher among males than among females, and much higher among the marrieds than singles. Of all respondents,18.6 percent knew of friends who got pregnant while unmarried, 15.6 percent knew of friends who continued with the pregnancy, and only 10.6 percent knew of some who married the father of the child. Differentials in levels of knowledge followed a consistent pattern, that is, the married exhibited significantly higher knowledge than the single respondents, and the male showed slightly higher knowledge than the female respondents. This findings suggests that the lower acceptability of a young unmarried mother among the female than among the male respondents, and for the singles than the married in general is because the levels of awareness on these events for the female respondents was lower than the males, and for the singles lower than the married.

Filipino Youth's Views on Pre-Marital Sex and Unmarried Parenthood: Zelda C. Zablan . University of the Philippines Population Institute.